Feeds:
Posts
Comments

Posts Tagged ‘kellogg-plan’

Trump’s Ukraine Minerals Deal 2.0 Capitulation

By

Dr. Jack Rasmus

Last week the Trump administration and Ukraine finally signed a deal on sharing Ukraine mineral rights. But a closer consideration of the published document shows this Mineral Deal 2.0 is fundamentally different from the 1.0 deal Trump proposed in February. One might more accurately call it a Trump capitulation.

In March Trump’s initial 1.0 deal was supposed to be signed in the White House with Ukraine’s president Zelensky. That meeting notoriously blew up with all the world watching in ascerbic verbal exchanges between Zelensky, Vice President JD Vance and Trump.  Zelensky then left the meeting and immediately departed the US, flying directly to a meeting with British Prime Minister, Keir Starmer, who greeted him publicly with open arms and hugs.

In the White House meeting all sides were scheduled to announce the deal. But upon arrival Zelensky informed Trump he couldn’t agree. So the parties were in an agitated mood even before the meeting. Zelensky made a nasty comment in Ukrainian to Vance and it went downhill from there.

The essence of the March ‘Minerals Deal 1.0’s called for Ukraine to agree to using revenues from the exploitation its  minerals would to repay the US for past military and economic aid to Ukraine. Trump estimated that amount at $350 billion. Other sources estimate around $100 billion. The actual amount no doubt somewhere in between. In any case no small amount of financial assistance.

Zelensky has always argued any such deal must be accompanied by a formal US security agreement with Ukraine. That was a precondition from the very beginning last October 2024 when Zelensky himself proposed a minerals sharing deal. However, the US has never linked a security agreement to the deal. The lack of a security clause in the agreement lay behind Zelensky’s reneging on the deal at the last moment when he arrived in the US for the White House meeting.

The Minerals Deal 2.0 signed last week shares little with Trump’s prior 1.0 offer. The 2.0, for example, explicitly excludes any use of the revenues from joint minerals exploitation to repay the US for back aid given Ukraine with no strings attached by the Biden administration.

This fact of no repayment for prior aid renders the 2.0 deal fundamentally different from Trump’s original proposal. And there’s more that differentiates the two deals.

Last week’s signed 2.0 deal creates an Investment Fund into which revenues from the exploitation of Ukraine minerals would be deposited.  The Investment Fund also provides for the US and Ukraine to bear costs of minerals extraction 50%-50.  However, while costs are shared 50-50 it says nothing about revenue sharing 50-50. In fact, reportedly the 2.0 deal is silent about how revenues will be shared, or if at all.

What the Investment Fund document does say about revenues is that all proceeds from the development and exploitation of Ukraine’s minerals will be deposited back into the Investment Fund in toto for the first ten years after the Fund is created. So all the revenues goes back into Ukraine; no revenues return to the US for repayment or, indeed, apparently for any reason.

One has to ask why has Trump completely capitulated, dropping his prior main demand for revenues compensating the US for back aid?

The language of the Investment Fund further allows either party, US or Ukraine, to deposit additional monies, apart from the revenues from the development of the minerals, into the Fund. Moreover—and here’s a most interesting provision—Ukraine has interpreted this additional contribution to the Fund to mean the US may contribute to the fund in the form of more weapons shipments to Ukraine. In other words, the value of the weapons would go to the US share of the 50-50 cost commitment.  In addition, the US media has reported the 2.0 Deal includes the right of Ukraine to use its share of the Fund revenues to purchase US weapons.

In other words, this language suggests the Fund is intended to function as a back door to renewed US weapons shipments to Ukraine—thus reversing Trump’s past publicly declaration he would not agree to any more shipments of weapons to Ukraine.

Not coincidentally, within days of the deal signing the US media has reported that the US has  resumed issuing licenses for future weapons shipment to Ukraine. And that the US will provide supplies for the F-16 jets from Denmark given to Ukraine. Then there’s the recent revelation that the US has arranged for Israel and Germany to send Ukraine two US Patriot Missile systems? That does not include the missiles themselves. Only the US can provide that and likely will soon.

Another curious feature is the Minerals 2.0 capitulation agreement is only one of the three documents involved in the agreement has been published. That’s the Investment Fund. So where are the other two? What do they say? And why are the media and politicians not demanding the other two ‘silent’ documents be published?  Was perhaps more conceded by Trump that he does not want revealed?

It’s curious that all these terms of the Minerals deal quickly fell in place after Trump’s meeting with Zelensky at the Vatican last week as both attended the funeral of Pope Francis. A convenient photo op was published and distributed around the world showing Trump and Zelensky sitting on chairs face to face in the Vatican. Thereafter, within 24 hours the Minerals deal is announced! 

Does anyone think this timing was mere coincidence? Or believe the media’s spin that Zelensky was able to button-hole Trump at the funeral at the last moment, get a meeting, and convince Trump to sign the Minerals deal with all the terms specifically benefiting Ukraine—i.e. no revenues repaying the US for past aid, cost sharing but no revenues sharing for any reason, a backdoor to future US weapons shipment, two of the three documents unpublished, and who knows what else?

Is the Investment Fund really about financing future joint development of Ukraine minerals and Ukraine economy’s redevelopment? Or is it a vehicle for enabling Ukraine to buy more US weapons?

In any event, Minerals Deal 2.0 has little resemblance to Trump’s original Minerals Deal 1.0. What it does resemble, however, is a major capitulation by Trump to Ukraine and Zelensky.

The question is why the capitulation to Zelensky and Ukraine? There are several possible explanations floating around. Here’s a couple.

First, some say it’s just another Trump big grift. That he’s creating a Fund he’ll somehow find a way to personally exploit.  I don’t believe so. Those who suggest that must show how he intends to get at a Fund that appears locked up for ten years in Ukraine’s favor.

Another explanation is that the real language governing the deal is contained in the two documents that haven’t been made public. The other two docs are more demanding of Ukraine and pro-US.  But that’s pure conjecture. One would have to see what the other documents actually say and it’s not likely the contents will appear any time soon.

Another is that the US neocons, Europeans, and Zelensky all ganged up on Trump in Rome at the funeral and, as appears so often in the case of Trump, got to him last and turned him around. That’s plausible. Trump is notorious for making decisions based on the latest advocates who get his ear.

This writer believes, however, that the Minerals 2.0 deal is a way for Trump to show some progress on the question of Ukraine and the war.  Trump and his team have dedicated no small  effort to pushing his ‘Kellogg Plan’ as the basis for a ceasefire and for commencing negotiations between Ukraine and Russia. The Kellogg Plan collapsed just days before the signing of Minerals Deal 2.0.  And there’s no indication it will ever be resurrected. That collapse has to have had some influence on Trump’s capitulating on the Minerals deal.

The Kellogg Plan collapsed mostly because Zelensky refuses to talk until Russia unconditionally ceases fire, during which Zelensky retains the right to re-equip, re-store military personnel, and re-position military units as he pleases. Russia’s position is it will negotiate anytime and place but ceasefire is a subject of discussion after negotiations begin. Europe’s leadership agrees completely with the Zelensky position on the matter of ceasefire.

Other positions of the two parties, Ukraine and Russia, put them even further apart as well: Zelensky demands Russia give up all territories occupied before negotiations; Russia declares the four regions and Crimea are now part of Russia and by its constitution cannot negotiate giving away any part of the country. In addition, Russia demands Ukraine demilitarize and declare it won’t join NATO; Zelensky rejects either notion as not a subject for negotiation.

In other words, Trump’s Kellogg Plan was fundamentally naïve as a basis for any ceasefire or negotiations. It’s not surprising it collapsed. That Trump pushed it so long suggests he’s received bad advice or that the plan was always just a cover for other negotiations.

The collapse of the Kellogg Plan made Trump appear as if he was now at a ‘dead end’ in his efforts to mediate the war and unable to deliver on his campaign promise to end the war in 24 hours by getting the parties together and, to borrow a phrase, ‘making both sides an offer they couldn’t refuse’.  The plan collapse reveals the US no longer has the level of influence it once did at the height of its imperial power at the start of the 21st century. The world has moved on. The US is relatively weaker; the rest of the world relatively stronger.  Trump appeared weak with the collapse of the Kellogg Plan.

The Minerals 2.0 deal is therefore a substitute event, to enable Trump to show events are not at a standstill. He has not yet failed in his campaign promise. Not all is at fundamental impasse.

Trump’s alternatives at this point is either to follow the advice of his neocon advisers and provide Ukraine with more weapons and threaten the Russians that more US actions are forthcoming if they don’t come to the negotiating table. But this is essentially the Biden plan which produced no results for the prior three years.  It is also the US neocons’ position real Plan A. They may have gone along with the Kellogg Plan B knowing full well it would collapse.

Trump’s other choice is to follow the advice of others like Witkoff and Vance in his administration to cut Ukraine loose and end all current US military assistance.  Let events evolve on the ground for the next six months and intervene again later this year when one or both parties, Ukraine and/or Russia, are more amenable to a compromise.

Trump now appears drifting in the direction of the neocons’ plan to resurrect Plan A somehow and away from the opposing view that the only choice is to cut losses and let the Europeans have their war in Ukraine if they want.

As this article is written, reports are that Trump now wants a direct face to face meeting in May with Putin in Saudi Arabia in May.  This suggests either he’s not too confident he’s directly getting the facts from his neocon advisers; or perhaps he thinks he can hammer out a deal over the table with Putin—as if he were concluding some kind of corporate acquisition where both sides ‘horse trade’ the main remaining unresolved issues on the table at the 11th hour to seal a deal.

If the latter, he’ll have some difficulty convincing the Russians he’s not just another western politician who makes promises, even signs documents, on which he then reneges—just as occurred in 2015 with the Minsk II agreement and again in Istanbul in 2022 when the war could have ended were it not for European NATO intervention convincing Zelensky to continue the conflict.

Jack Rasmus

May 4, 2025

Read Full Post »

When President Trump ran for office in 2024 he promised to negotiate an end to the war in Ukraine within 100 days of taking office.  The unofficial centerpiece of his plan was the proposals raised publicly by US General Kellogg earlier in 2024. While Trump in 2024 did not officially adopt the Kellogg proposals as his plan to end the war, it is clear in retrospect he unofficially embraced the Kellogg plan. One of his first unofficially appointments before even taking office in January was to task Kellogg to explore responses to his—Kellogg’s— proposals among the interested parties.

It is important to note that the Trump plan to negotiate an end to the war during his first 100 days in office has been the Kellogg Plan, revised somewhat to represent a US political compromise within the Trump administration between the Trump neocons—Rubio, Walz, etc.—and those in the administration who advocate a faster US extrication from the costly and unwinnable war—i.e. Vance, Witkoff, et. al. Thus a ‘Kellogg Plus’ US plan.

At this past week’s EU/UK meeting in London, however, ‘Kellogg Plus’ died and was buried. Put on the table for discussion by the USA as a possible unified west/NATO solution to end the Ukraine war by a  compromise with Russian positions, the Kellogg plan was never even discussed by the Europeans or the Ukrainian delegation sent to London. It was rejected and ‘killed off’ by a unified Europe & Ukraine opposition.  

As others have reported, the Europeans and Ukraine had developed their own set of proposals over the past few weeks in the flurry of their meetings in Europe, the most recent occurring in Paris. London was the meeting in which the Europeans expected the US delegation to discuss the Euro-Ukraine plan which differed substantially from the US ‘Kellogg Plus’ proposals. The US reportedly caught the Europeans by surprise, presented their plan for discussion in lieu of the Europeans’.  The latter then refused to discuss the Kellogg plan and, in return, the US delegation left the meeting.. 

Having had a copy of the US plan just before the London meeting, Zelensky publicly, and in somewhat insulting language, rejected the US plan outright. He followed up after the meeting with another public statement to the media declaring “There is nothing to talk about”.  His European supporters, notably Macron of France and Starmer of UK, quickly joined him and publicly declared the same. It is now clear the US proposals are rejected in their entirety, both by Ukraine and the Europeans

The US had announced its plan was its ‘best and final offer’ to all the parties as the basis for starting negotiations, including Russia, and threatened to exit the negotiations process altogether if not accepted by all.  Whether it does has yet to be determined.

On April 25, 2025, Trump special envoy met with Putin in Moscow to discuss the same Kellogg proposals. It is highly likely Putin will not accept the offer in its entirety either, but may accept some elements and declare it a basis to continue discussions—unlike Zelensky or the Europeans who have rejected it outright and completely. 

Given that total rejection—and regardless of the outcome of the Witkoff-Putin meeting in Moscow, it is clear the first phase of the Trump administration’s attempt to negotiate an end to the Ukraine conflict has come to an abrupt end. 

So what was the Kellogg Plan proposed by the USA that was so abruptly shot down by Zelensky and the Europeans? And what was their alternative proposal that they thought the US would accept as the starting point of negotiations with the Russians—a move by the Europeans to put them back in the negotiations game alongside the Americans as equals, a role so far denied them to their great consternation?

Here are the main elements of the Kellogg Plus American plan:

  • No NATO membership offered to Ukraine nor Ukraine to seek membership, although Ukraine could join the European Union
  • Recognition de jure of Crimea as part of Russia and Lughansk province now fully occupied by Russia
  • Ceasefire implementation details to be worked out by Russia & Ukraine, without Europe or US participation
  • Recognition de facto the other three east Ukraine regions (Donetsk, Zaporozhie, Kherson) now occupied by Russian forces along the current combat line
  • Lifting of US sanctions since 2014 on Russia, leaving Europe sanctions to Europe to decide
  • Europe could offer Ukraine security guarantees if it wanted but the USA would not
  • US and Russia would continue to explore joint deals on energy and industry
  • The US would operate the Zaporozhie nuclear power plant and distribute its resources to both Ukraine and Russia
  • Russia also gives up its control of the dam on the Dnipr, its territory in Kherson where the nuclear power plant is located, its occupation of far western ‘spit’ of Kherson on the river, and the area in the Kharkov province Russia also now occupies
  • US & Ukraine conclude a minerals deal, with participation by Europe as well
  • The Plan said nothing about the size of Ukraine’s army after the war’s end

In negotiations of agreements, sometimes what’s left out intentionally is as important as what’s included. Here’s some key omissions in the US plan:

  • No reference to the size of the Ukrainian military as part of a peace deal, or whether Ukraine could build up its forces while ceasefire and negotiations continued
  • No reference to whether NATO troops were to participate in any peacekeeping operations in Ukraine after the war
  • No mention of whether or how Ukraine might be compensated and rebuilt, by whom, or whether Russia’s $260 billion assets in European banks would be used

The Europeans were shocked, reportedly, by the provisions of the Kellogg Plus plan. They had expected the US to attend London to discuss the plan they had alternatively hammered out in the preceding weeks with the assumed approval of Ukraine.  That alternative plan was fundamentally different from the USA’s. In fact, it is better described not as a plan to reach some kind of a compromise settlement to the conflict, but a plan that amounted to a capitulation of Russia in the conflict.

The Europeans proposed something historically similar to the France-Britain 1918 armistice agreement on Germany that ended world war I.  That armistice was a ceasefire after which the victors—France and Britain—imposed impossible terms on Germany, which were eventually forced on Germany and which, in the end historically, led to the continuation of the world war in 1939. The 1918 negotiations was an agreement forced by victors on the defeated. The problem in Ukraine today, is that the Russians are clearing winning militarily and it is the Ukrainians and Europeans who are likely the defeated before this year’s end on the battlefield.

Here’s the elements of the Europeans-Ukraine 2025 ‘Armistice Plan’, which they had hoped, were the USA to accept as basis for negotiations, would put them—the Europeans—back on an equal footing in negotiations with the USA that the latter has thus far denied them since discussions between the US and Russia were opened in Riyadh and Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, in March.

The Main Elements of the European Armistice Plan:

  • Russia & Ukraine accept an unconditional ceasefire. Details of the implementation of the ceasefire subsequently negotiate by all four parties together: Russia, Ukraine, Europe and USA
  • Russia required to return all prisoners, troops and children allegedly kidnapped but no mention of Ukraine similar release of prisoners, etc.
  • Security Guarantees to Ukraine provided by US and Europe, along lines of NATO article 5 language; Ukraine may join NATO at a later date
  • No limits or restrictions on Ukraine’s size of military. Ukraine allowed to rebuild army and weapons during ceasefire negotiations
  • Europe and other States may send troops to Ukraine as part of peacekeeping force
  • No reference made to Russia right to Crimea or other occupied territories
  • Ukraine to control the Zaporozhie nuclear power plant, with US only assisting. Also Ukraine control Dnipr river and its Khakovka dam
  • Russian assets in European banks remain frozen until Ukraine compensation for damages is determined by negotiations
  • Sanctions on Russia remain in place. Any relief of sanctions reinstated if Russia breaches agreement in any way

It should be noted this European proposal is not the plan Ukraine has been proposing the last two and a half years. Ukraine/Zelensky’s position to end the war hasn’t changed since late 2022.

Ukraine’s Terms for Ending the War:

Almost three years to the day this April, following Russia’s initial invasion in February 2022 and territorial gains across Ukraine, Russia and Ukraine representatives met in Istanbul, Turkey and worked out details of terms tentatively to end the conflict. The terms of Istanbul I, as it is called, included Ukraine agreeing not to join NATO, Crimea remaining in Russia but the other four provinces of east Ukraine remaining in Ukraine providing assurances were given its almost total Russian population be allowed to practice its Russian Orthodox religion, speak Russian, and continue other cultural practices—all of which were being denied by the Kiev regime at the time in the hands of ultra-nationalist, proto fascist forces intent on denying the same to its eastern Russian population. The shelling of cities in the east by Ukraine forces also had to stop.

Ukraine tentatively agreed to Istanbul I, took the terms back to Zelensky in Kiev, who reportedly was considering signing them—until then UK prime minister, Boris Johnson, flew into Kiev and convinced Zelensky that unlimited NATO funds and weaponry would be forthcoming, that Russia would collapse politically and economically if Ukraine resisted militarily and the war with Russia should therefore continue.  Zelensky ultimately agreed. Istanbul was abandoned and, after the initial Ukrainian tactical victories in the summer of 2022, Zelensky and Ukraine adopted the following hard line positions for negotiations that Ukraine formally retains to this day:

  • Russia should immediately exit all Ukraine territories, including Crimea
  • After exit, Ukraine will commence negotiations with Russia
  • Negotiation topics to focus on reparations paid to Ukraine by Russia
  • War crime tribunals of Russia leaders in Europe to follow
  • Ukraine never to cede control of the Zaporozhie nuclear plant to anyone
  • It will never agree to any limits or reductions of its military forces
  • Europe must agree to let Ukraine into NATO or else provide it Article 5 NATO equivalent security guarantees

Russia’s Terms for Ending the War

As Ukraine’s position evolved in the course of the first year of the war, so too did Russia’s.  After its initial offer in Istanbul in April 2022, and its retreat from areas around Kiev and in the south in Kherson Russian demands stiffened as well. That fall 2022, as Ukraine demands total capitulation by Russian forces, Putin established a new Russian position:

At the center of that was that now after referenda were conducted in the four regions of East Ukraine showing over-whelming voting to join Russia, the four provinces were now legally part of Russia and were non-negotiable.

Other Russian demands were Ukraine must not join NATO, must become neutral between Europe and Russia, and its government must be purged of fascist elements to ensure the same.

In early 2024 Putin gave an interview with US journalist, Tucker Carlson. In it he made an interesting remark which has largely been ignored by western media and which may yet be raised as part of any ultimate negotiations.  In it he described the far west Ukraine as not really part of the Slavic homeland of Russia, Ukraine and Belarus.  He noted that territory was formerly Poland and Romania and was given by Stalin to Ukraine at the end of World War II. It was an historic hotbed of fascism and the region had strongly supported the Nazis in the world war, often doing their dirty work on the local resistance and the jews.  Putin then suggested if the west wanted this region, he didn’t have any great opposition to it, if they were that foolish to accept its inherent pro fascist elements.

Later in June 2024 Putin established Russia’s most recent position for a negotiated end of the conflict which has remained to this day. These terms include:

  • No NATO membership for Ukraine
  • Political neutrality by Ukraine
  • Ukraine government remove neo-nazi politicians from its government
  • Recognize that Crimea and the four provinces are now legally part of Russia
  • To ensure Ukraine is no threat to Russia, it must reduce its military force to around 80,000

Why European Obstinacy Toward Continuing the War?

Many observers in America and elsewhere in the world have been perplexed about why the European leadership—especially those of the larger countries Britain, France and now Germany—have been so consistently in favor of continuing the war?  They ask questions like: don’t they (European leaders) see that the war cannot be won? That Ukraine is losing? That it may mean an irrevocable split between the USA and Europe and break up of NATO itself? Can Europe actually go it alone, providing the massive funding to Ukraine and weapons it clearly does not have the economic base to produce by itself?

Here’s some possible explanations for the European obstinate support for Zelensky, Ukraine and for continuing the war:

  1. European leaders are politically committed in terms of their personal careers to the war, both at national and Euro-wide institutional (EU Commission, EU Council, etc.) levels. Should the war end on Russian terms, it will be perceived as a personal defeat for them with repercussions for their personal careers
  2. War is often a convenient diversion by politicians from problems at home in their own constituencies. It’s not the first time in history politicians start and continue wars to stay in office
  3. Some European/NATO have a visceral bias against and hate for anything Russian. This is especially true of the Baltics states’ leaders and also to some extent for Poland, Finland, and even for Britain
  4. The War continuance serves to keep NATO from falling apart (while it also has the opposite effect). So long as the war continues, perhaps US and Trump can not leave NATO so quickly or completely
  5. The War is clearly pushing Europe toward building its own defense industry and independent military force. For decades it’s been overly dependent on the US for weapons provision and massive funding of NATO operations in Europe which has meant significant US dollars inflow to Europe.  Europe leaders now talk of spending trillions of Euros on defense, important for boosting an otherwise slowing stagnating real economy for almost two decades now. Without the war—and media manufactured threat of an eventual Russia invasion of Europe should it win in Ukraine—it is impossible for Europe to spend trillions Euros planned for a new defense industry.
  6. One must assume some European leaders—especially those less competent in the umbrella EU Commission, EU Council, etc—actually believe Russia will invade Europe after Ukraine with a Russian army barely a million when it took 15 million Russians to take east Europe and Germany during world war II at the cost of 20 million killed.
  7. Some European generals and no doubt politicians have stated and believe that Russia will lose the war if NATO just stays committed and fights for another year. This is the original argument that dominated NATO thinking back in 2022: that Russia’s economy can sustain a war for long and opposition to Putin will quickly result in his overthrow.  How that view succeeds today after three years of evidence to the contrary is difficult to understand.

Ukraine’s and Zelensky’s obstinacy and existential commitment to continue the war is more understandable and rational, notwithstanding its inevitable failure.

Zelensky must continue to war in order to continue martial law and, in turn, remain in office given that his authority as president expired in May 2024 and he’s no longer actually the president.  Should the war end elections in Ukraine will be held and he will almost certainly be forced out of his current role.

Without the protection of his office he then becomes personally vulnerable from several directions. He’ll be blamed by the radical nationalists for losing Ukraine territory and the death of hundreds of thousands Ukrainians will have been in vain. They’ll come after him. The Russian secret services may do the same indirectly. Or perhaps some everyday Russian, or Ukrainian, citizen who’ll blame him for their family losses. He won’t have the level of personal protection he enjoyed from the Americans, and now the British, will in office.

The War keeps the radical nationalists on his side so long as the fighting continues and he remains obstinate about any negotiations with the prospect of even the slightest compromise.

There’s also the question of a wide spectrum of Ukraine society and political-social forces that have grown dependent on the flow of money from the west. Many politicians and political interests have been sharing in that western funds injection. Per Zelensky himself, Ukraine must spend $8 billion a month just as government workers wages and pensions. Ukraine’s broken economy cannot generate that. Then there are the hordes of shadowy arms traders making money off the flow of funds and weapons. And Ukraine companies and their western investors as well.

Trump’s Next Moves?

There’s been much conjecture in the US media, and talk by Trump administration team assigned to the war, that should the parties not accept the Trump Kellogg Plus plan then the US will simply walk away from the negotiations.  That’s not likely. There’s many ways to continue negotiations. In the case of Russia and US that’s simple as part of the future meetings planned to discuss restoring diplomatic relations and defining economic deals and cooperation.

Some clarity where Trump’s going next may emerge from the WItkoff-Putin meeting now underway.  Trump needs Putin to agree to something to keep the ball rolling and keep at bay US critics who’ll say it’s futile to negotiate with Putin and Russia. On the other hand, Putin cannot embrace too much a plan that clearly is designed to get Russia to de facto freeze the war in place or even slow Russian offensives. 

The war cannot be concluded by negotiations designed to end the fighting; it can only be concluded on the battlefield that leads to negotiations that then conclude the conflict.

The most likely outcome of the war is a military one.  Russia will have to take more territory in order to convince Ukraine and Europe allies that if it doesn’t agree to Russia’s fundamental demands Ukraine may lose even more territory. Russia will need to succeed in major new offensives in the north and south to create that realization and scenario.

The question is whether Russia’s Special Military Operation, SMO, is sufficiently large enough to do so. 800,000 men and voluntary recruits may not prove sufficient. It should not be forgotten that Ukraine was ‘conquered’ in 1944-45 by a force of more than three million in arms. Modern technology perhaps does not require that many but nonetheless requires more than 800,000 given the scope of the front lines and the fact Russia, while it has an advantage of 2 to 1 in combat manpower, that ratio is probably not enough for a complete military victory.

However, one more proviso is relevant. It’s not impossible that Ukraine’s army collapses later this summer, especially if the USA and Trump pull out of weapons deliveries and discontinue surveillance and targeting support for Ukraine forces. But that depends on Trump’s next after next move.

Returning with a token concession from the Witkoff-Putin meeting is not sufficient. To end the war, as Trump says he wants to do, will require a hard break of US involvement militarily, logistically and financially—and soon.  He will have to ‘bite the bullet’ no later than June and cut Ukraine loose. And perhaps ‘stick a stake’ in the political heart of those Europeans who have been playing the USA to provide them their military toys and games for almost eighty years now.

Dr. Jack Rasmus,

April 25, 2025

Read Full Post »