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Alternative Visions – The US Fiscal-Monetary Crisis Intensifies – 10/02/13

Oct 2nd, 2013 by progressiveradionetwork

Dr. Jack Rasmus provides his analysis on the current government shutdown and the repeat of the debt ceiling crisis coming by mid-October and their possible negative impacts on the economy. Rasmus then considers the ‘other policy crisis’–i.e. the US Federal Reserve’s QE and zero interest rate monetary policies. He explains why US monetary policy has also entered a crisis stage in recent months–i.e. proving increasingly ineffective at stimulating the real economy while simultaneously generating financial bubbles. QE and austerity policies elsewhere in the world are discussed, with similar counterproductive effects on the real economy. Rasmus concludes the US and global economy is now entering a period of growing ineffectiveness of traditional fiscal-monetary policies generating a sustained economic recovery, at a time during which the US and global economies continue to slow or stagnate long term.

LISTEN TO THE FULL 56MIN. SHOW ON THE ‘ALTERNATIVE VISIONS’ WEBSITE AT:

http://prn.fm/category/archives/alternative-visions/

OR ALSO AT:

http://alternativevisions.podbean.com/

Listen to the two latest ‘Alternative Visions’ radio shows, hosted by Dr. Jack Rasmus, on the Progressive Radio Network. The first show, airing September 18, interviews guests Steve Early and Carl Finamore who attended the recent AFLCIO convention in LA . The show focuses on the topic of Union-Community Alliances and the AFLCIO’s recent discussion on creating new forms of partnerships between unions and community groups. The second show, that airs September 25, interviews immigrant rights and labor activist, Alan Benjamin, on new realignments of immigration rights groups in progress given the collapse of the Immigrant Rights bill in Congress and Obama’s refusal to take executive action on behalf of immigrant rights.

Both shows and interviews are available for download on the progressive radio network, accessible at http://prn.fm/category/archives/alternative-visions/. The shows are also archived and available at alternativevisions.podbean.com.

1. September 18 show: ‘The AFLCIO Convention & New Union-Community Alliances

Show Description: ‘Dr. Jack Rasmus welcomes two long-time union officers, Steve Early of the CWA and Carl Finamore of the Machinists, who attended the recent AFLCIO convention where delegates recently discussed and voted on whether to bring community groups (NAACP, La Raza, Sierra Club, etc.) into the union federation as a new kind of membership. Both Steve and Carl have more than 30 years each of experience in the US labor movement, which they bring to the discussion. Jack introduces the show and discussion with an explanation of the dimensions of the deep decline in union labor in the USA, its failing organizing and bargaining strategies at the company level and the political level with its alliance with the Democratic Party, as well as the consequences of both. Steve and Carl discuss the resolution and scope of the decision at the AFLCIO convention to forge a deeper partnership with community organizations. How can union labor stop and reverse its slide? Jack and guests debate whether some kind of new grass roots organizational structure uniting labor and community organizations must occur if union labor in the US is to survive and grow.

Guest bios: Steve Early is a retired, long time staff representative for the Communications Workers of America and an author of several recent books on the US union movement today, including ‘Embedded With Organized Labor’ and ‘The Civil Wars in US Labor’. Carl Finamore is a former president of Local 1781 of the machinists union representing workers in the airlines industry and a frequent writer to various magazines and blogs on labor and other issues. Check out both their recent articles on the widely read blog, Counterpunch.org, on the recent AFLCIO convention and other labor topics.’

2. September 24/25 show: Immigrants Rights Movement at Historical Juncture

Show Description: Dr. Jack Rasmus invites long-time immigrant rights and union activist, Alan Benjamin, to discuss current and possible realignments in immigrant rights groups’ strategies in the wake of the collapsed Obama legislative proposals in Congress. Benjamin explains in detail the onerous provisions of the recent immigrant rights bill that is now dead on arrival, the new emerging demands of immigrant rights groups’ as 400,000 a year deportations continue under the current administration. Jack and Alan discuss the just formed ‘United Front for Justice & Dignity’ this September 7 of 100 founding members from 40 different groups, and the AFL-CIO convention’s recent internal debates over resolution #4 vs. resolution #23. New directions in grass roots organizing and new demands by immigrant rights groups for Obama to enact immigration reform by executive order are considered. The demands of the recently formed ‘United Front for Justice & Dignity’ above can be viewed at http://www.todopoderalpueblo.org.

Guest bio: Alan Benjamin is a delegate to the San Francisco AFLCIO central labor council, a long time union member, and a leading activist with several groups advocating rights and citizenship for 11 million undocumented workers in the US.

Access both shows for download at:

http://prn.fm/category/archives/alternative-visions/.

or at:

http://www.alternativevisions.podbean.com.

This past week the US central bank, the Federal Reserve (Fed), opted not to change its current 3rd Quantitative Easing (QE) policy providing $85 billion a month in bond purchases from bankers and investors. The Fed’s QE3 policy has been in effect for about a year, injecting in excess of $1 trillion in subsidized money into the US and global economy. Since QEs began in 2009, the total injection will have exceeded $4 trillion by the end of this year.

Consensus was strong in recent weeks that the Fed would at least slightly reduce that $85 billion, by a token $5-$10 billion a month. That would have provided a mild, second signal it would begin reducing its $85 billion a month money injection.

Last May-June 2013, the Fed’s chairman, Ben Bernanke, initially signaled to the markets the Fed might soon start ‘reducing QE. That set off what has been called the ‘taper tantrum’ by investors. Almost immediately in response to the Fed’s suggestion, rates on bonds in the US began to escalate, including mortgage rates, corporate bond rates and US Treasury bonds—all of which surged by more than a full 1% in a matter of weeks.

The outcome of the rapid rate rise was the tepid US housing market recovery almost stalled, stock and bond prices began to tank, and investment into ‘emerging markets’—where much of the total $4 trillion in QEs since 2009 has gone—began to reverse and flow back from abroad to the US and Europe. Emerging markets’ currencies in turn began to decline, the global currency war ratcheted up another notch, and capital flight from those economies to the west accelerated.

Faced with the ‘taper tantrum’ by global high net worth investors and their institutions—aka ‘the markets’—the Fed and Bernanke quickly changed their tune by early July, reassuring investors and speculators that s significant retraction of QE3’s $85 billion wasn’t really their intention. The ‘markets’ quickly sighed with relief and stock, bond, property, and other financial asset prices rose again.

As part of its so-called ‘forward guidance’ policy—notifying markets of its future intentions—the Fed in August took another shot, this time more cautiously, at trying to extricate itself once again from its massive, five year, $4 trillion QE program.

The extrication has become increasingly necessary, since QEs—together with the Fed’s accompanying policy of ‘zero bound’ interest rates—have been force-feeding financial asset bubbles globally—threatening to destabilize the global money system. Simultaneously, it has become no less clear that these dual Fed policies have become increasingly ‘inefficient’—that is, while feeding financial speculation and asset bubbles they have not resulted in much real investment in goods and services.

As more and more reports and articles have begun to show, as QE continues to grow and financial asset market prices rise, the growth of real investment in goods and services continue to slow. According to one report, only 15% of financial flows since 2009 are now going into real investment in goods and services, according to a recent article in the global news daily, the Financial Times, this past September 20.

However, the Fed’s second ‘forward guidance’ second suggestion to taper in August led to still more capital flight and currency declines in emerging markets. At the same time, by late summer in the US, a number of economic indicators began to show that the US economic recovery is not as strong as the press hype has been suggesting. Even the Fed itself has been lowering its own forecast for the US economy, from 2.5% earlier in 2013 down, most recently, to 2% GDP growth. (That downward revised forecast was not the first. In fact, the Fed has consistently reduced its US economic forecasts for the past three years, from an originally predicted 4.3% annual GDP growth).
Given the obvious concern with Fed monetary policies’ growing ‘inefficiency’ stimulating the real economy and the growing effects of QE and zero rates feeding financial speculation and bubbles, the Fed last week on September 16, shook markets and investors by deciding not to ‘taper’ at all for the moment, suspending its August implied ‘token taper’ of $5 or $10 billion a month.

To recap these Fed events over the summer: in a matter of just a few months the Fed has shifted from responding to the ‘Taper Tantrum’ to the ‘Token Taper’ retreat. This has left its policy of ‘forward guidance’—i.e. signaling its intentions to the markets—in a shambles. In recent days, several Fed board governors have returned to suggesting a third time that a reduction of the $85 billion will occur before year end, and perhaps even start in October—i.e. what might be called a ‘Taper Tomorrow’.

What all this policy shifting signifies is, in the last several months, Fed monetary policy is perhaps beginning to unwind in more ways than one.
On the other hand, the Fed’s retreat from the ‘Tantrum’ and the ‘Token’ has left speculators, investors and banksters quite happy. The stock and bond markets surged in September once again, emerging market currencies recovered a little, and other financial markets moved once more to the upside—illustrating the tight positive correlation that has evident for four years now between financial asset inflation and Fed QE policies (and the equal lack of any correlation between QEs and the real economy).

To employ a metaphor, as a consequence of its ‘on-off’ QE policy the Fed is beginning to appear like the drunk driver stopped by police after appearing to ‘weave back and forth’ on the highway. It is being asked to hold its finger to its nose and walk a straight line, to give evidence if it is indeed drunk or not. And it’s not succeeding. Instead, its stumbling to either side of the line.

What the Fed’s ‘stop-go’, on and off, QE policy signifies in a broader sense is threefold:

First, that investors and banksters have become addicted to the QE, low interest and free money policies of the Fed that have been in effect the past five years. (see this writer’s March 7, 2012 article and prediction, ‘Are Capitalists Becoming Addicted to Free Money’, on his blog at jackrasmus.com). The mere suggestion of a QE retraction, even when token, results in financial asset price declines and rising interest rates. Banksters-investors simply want the free subsidies to continue and they expect that to happen. A ‘cold-turkey’ withdrawal of liquidity sends them into ‘financial fits’.

Moreover, each time the Fed retreats on its signal to taper, it makes the next attempt even more difficult as investors anticipate and become even more predisposed to quickly respond to counter any Fed suggested move. As the Fed repeatedly retreats, the financial bubbles continue, emerging markets’ problems of currency volatility and capital flight grow, China’s real estate market becomes more fragile as hot money inflows return from the west to Chinese ‘shadow’ banks, and US monetary policy becomes even less ‘efficient’ stimulating the real US economy.

Secondly, Fed recent stop-go policies suggest the real economy has become super-sensitive to interest rate hikes—just as it has become ‘super-Insensitive’ to interest rate reductions over the past five years. (In economists’ parlance, this is expressed as the economy having become ‘increasingly inelastic’ to interest rate declines—i.e. falling rates generating little real growth—while conversely becoming ‘increasingly elastic’—rising rates quickly slowing real growth—to interest rate hikes).

QE is showing the real economy is responding less and less positively to money supply injections and interest rate declines, while more and more negatively to money supply reductions and interest rate hikes. Furthermore, the Fed’s key policy of ‘forward guidance’—i.e. telling the markets what it plans to do in order to avoid severe volatility response by investors—is now unraveling as well. No one really knows what the Fed is going to do now, how it plans to do it, and when and at what rate it plans to begin doing it. In short, the Fed is losing control of the monetary tools by which it has been stabilizing the banking and financial system the past five years.

Thirdly, it all means it will be even more difficult for the Fed to ‘taper tomorrow’, which is apparently its latest message being delivered by select Fed governors. Emerging markets may react even more volatilely to the next taper iteration by the Fed, producing even more currency volatility, capital flight, and economic slowdown. More hot money will flow into China’s increasingly fragile local property markets via its growing ‘shadow’ bank network there. Financial asset bubbles, having returned in the interim, will pose an even greater risk of too rapid asset price contraction at some later date.

Apart from problems of feeding financial speculation, asset prices, and continuing financial bubbles, the US and global real economy will now become even more ‘super-sensitive’ to QE withdrawal and resulting interest rate hikes.

Dr. Jack Rasmus
September 20, 2013

Will American Unions forge new unity with progressive community groups? Will it welcome community groups into the AFL-CIO as members?

Listen to Jack Rasmus’s September 18 radio show, Alternative Visions, for a discussion with AFL-CIO convention attendees, long-time union officers, Steve Early and Carl Finamore, on this topic.

Dr. Jack Rasmus welcomes Steve Early of the CWA and Carl Finamore of the Machinists, who attended the recent AFLCIO convention where delegates recently discussed and voted on whether to bring community groups (NAACP, La Raza, Sierra Club, etc.) into the union federation as a new kind of membership.

Both Steve and Carl have more than 30 years each of experience in the US labor movement, which they bring to the discussion.

Jack introduces the show and discussion with an explanation of the dimensions of the deep decline in union labor in the USA, its failing organizing and bargaining strategies at the company level and the political level with its alliance with the Democratic Party, as well as the consequences of both. Steve and Carl discuss the resolution and scope of the decision at the AFLCIO convention to forge a deeper partnership with community organizations. How can union labor stop and reverse its slide? Jack and guests debate whether some kind of new grass roots organizational structure uniting labor and community organizations must occur if union labor in the US is to survive and grow.

Url for the radio show is: http://prn.fm/2013/09/alternative-visions-091813/

Over the past five years the US central bank, the Federal Reserve (Fed), has printed nearly $4 trillion in liquidity (money) which it has provided to banks and professional investors. This is called ‘Quantitative Easing’ (QE). QE means the Fed essentially prints money and buys bonds—mostly toxic subprime mortgages to date—from institutional investors (i.e. banks, shadow banks, foreign banks, other investors). In addition to printing nearly $4 trillion with which to buy bonds from banks and investors, since 2008 the Fed has also conducted various ‘special auctions’, by which it has loaned additional trillions of dollars at little or no interest to banks. Still more trillions were loaned were loaned by the Fed by means of policies that resulted in near zero interest rates (between 0.1%-0.25%) at which banks could borrow money.

The Fed’s QE purchases represent a massive direct subsidization of banks and investors, since the Fed’s bond purchases were almost certainly bought in most cases at prices well above the collapsed value of the bonds—most of which were mortgage bonds including toxic subprime mortgages. But we’ll never know the exact price the Fed paid bankers and investors for the bonds, since the Fed doesn’t provide specific reports on individual deals and purchases; not even to Congress. Only the aggregate data is reported.

The total of QE, special auctions, and near zero interest rates made available to bankers and investors since 2008 comes to at least $10 to $15 trillion. Some estimates range as high as $20 trillion. The number rises still higher when similar QE and free money measures by foreign central banks is taken into account; specifically, by other major central banks like the Bank of England, Bank of Japan, and the European Central Bank (ECB).

Justifying QE1: Economic Recovery

The Fed originally argued in 2009 that this massive, free money injection and bank subsidization was necessary to stimulate the US economy and generate a sustained full recovery as quickly as possible. But even if the Fed and its policies were responsible for all the economic growth since 2009, an impossible assumption that ignores all other contributions to growth, that contribution would still amount to only 8.2% GDP growth over the past five years—which is about only half the GDP growth after five years that occurred in prior recession recoveries since the 1970s.

The Fed’s QE policies these past five years have come in four doses. There was the initial QE1 in 2009, amounting to $1.75 trillion in bond purchases. The US economy then stalled out in the summer of 2010. Then came the $600 billion QE2 in the fall of 2010. The economy stalled a second time in 2011, leading to what was called ‘Operation Twist’ (QE 2.5?) that provided another $400 billion in mortgage bond purchases. When that petered out, it was followed by QE3 last September 2012. Unlike its predecessors, QE3 has had no limit. It calls for Fed purchases of $85 billion a month for ‘as long as necessary’. So QE3 has now amounted to about another $1 trillion, and continues to rise by $85 billion every month.

While there is talk that the Fed may start to ‘taper’ (reduce) its $85 billion a month, don’t expect much of a change. Maybe $10 billion a month or so reduction. QE will therefore continue for some time. That’s because, as this writer has argued elsewhere, bankers and big investors are now ‘addicted to the free money’ regime that characterizes 21st century finance capital globally today.

Just the mention of a possible ending of QE by the Fed this past June sent bankers-investors globally into financial fits and paroxysms last June. Stocks, bonds and other financial assets fell into a major tailspin in a matter of weeks. The Fed quickly denied it had any such intention of ending QE. The markets quickly recovered and went on their merry financial bubble way once again. That event of possibly reducing QE, and financial markets’ extreme reaction, this past summer has been called the ‘taper tantrum’. What’s coming in the next few weeks, however, is at most a ‘taper tweak’.

Justifying QE2: Restoring Price Stability

The Fed initially launched QE1 in early 2009, claiming it would stimulate the economy and generate a recovery. But no such thing happened. In the summer of 2010 the economy weakened again. The Fed thereafter switched its excuse. It next argued in 2010 a second QE was necessary, this time to head off the growing trend in the economy toward deflation (price declines) at the time.

Deflation is a very dangerous thing. As long as prices continue to fall, businesses will hold off investing and consumer households from buying. For businesses, deflation creates uncertainty whether they can sell their goods at a price high enough in the future to cover their production costs in the present. For households, deflation results in consumers ‘waiting for prices to bottom out’ before actually purchasing again. The recent housing market in the US is a good example. Home prices continued to fall for four years, about 40% on average. During the period of home price declines the housing market did not recover, despite the 30%-40% price drops. It wasn’t until late 2012, as home prices began to rise, that home buying recovered a little and home prices began rising a little, by about 12-15%. Thus deflation means both business investment and household consumption ‘freeze up’. That means no recovery. The Fed therefore argued another round of QE was needed to halt deflation and get prices rising again, so that investment, consumption, and recovery could follow.

But the Fed’s claim that QE 2 was needed to prevent deflation and raise prices (to a Fed target of 2.5%), as a way to encourage investment and consumer spending, didn’t materialize either. Between 2010-2011, the period during which QE2 was in effect, consumer and wholesale prices for goods and services continued to slowly drift lower, flirting dangerously with deflation. While QE policies may—and often do—result in price bubbles for financial assets (stocks, bonds, etc.), they have little effect in terms of inflating prices for normal goods and services.

So the Fed’s QE1 did not generate a sustained recovery for the US economy (which has been bouncing along the bottom now for four years since the ‘end’ of the recession in June 2009). And its QE2 did not result in getting prices to rise to the Fed’s minimal target of 2.5%. The primary goals of QE in its first and second iteration therefore failed.

Justifying QE3: Reducing Unemployment & Creating Jobs

Enter QE3, and the Fed’s third justification for introducing yet another third round of QE3 in the fall of 2012. The new excuse was that another QE was necessary in order to reduce unemployment rates and get a job recovery underway. In September 2012 the Fed announced it would launch another QE, printing and injecting $85 billion a month into the economy, until such time as the ‘U-3’ unemployment rate fell—from the 8.1% level in September 2012 to a 6.5% target level. The U-3 rate has come down over the past year to 7.3%. Meanwhile, the more accurate U-6 unemployment rate still remains around 14% and more than 20 million continue unemployed.

But the Fed’s QE3 has not really been responsible for reducing even the unemployment rate from 8.1% to 7.3%. That reduction has been the result of millions of unemployed leaving the labor force altogether over the past year, and from jobs ‘churning’ from declined in full time jobs to increases in part time and temporary jobs.

Over the past year, 2012-2013, it is true that the US economy has created 2.3 million jobs. But this has been largely part time and temp jobs, with low pay and essentially no benefits.

‘Jobs Churn’: The US Jobs Market Today

The main characteristic of the US job market today is perhaps best described as a ‘job churn’. While the US is not losing jobs, it is not creating them very well—at least not decent paying jobs.

The US is ‘churning out’ full time jobs and replacing them with ‘contingent jobs’. Since January 2013 through July 2013, just under a million jobs were created; but no fewer than 650,000 of these were part time and temp jobs. Meanwhile, 250,000 full time jobs disappeared over the same period. This ‘job churn’ has other dimensions as well.

In addition to replace full time with part time-temp jobs, it is providing jobs for millions of new entrants (at mostly part time-temp status) as millions more leave the labor force altogether.

It is substituting high paid jobs for low paid. As a recent study showed, 60% of the jobs lost since 2008 have been ‘high paid’ (more than $18/hr. on average), while 58% of the jobs created since 2008 have been ‘low paid’ (less than $12 an hour).

Not only substituting new entrants to the labor force for those leaving the labor force; not only full time for part-time/temp jobs; not only high paid for low paid. The economy is churning out union jobs and replacing them with non-union jobs as well.

It is a sad but remarkable fact that while the economy added a couple million jobs since 2012, US unions experienced an unprecedented decline of 500,000 jobs in 2012 alone. That loss amidst job creation has never before occurred for organized labor. At that rate, its meager 6% or so unionization rate in the private sector today will fall to 3% or less by the end of the current decade—i.e. the lowest ever, signifying the virtual disappearance of organized labor in the private sector in America for all practical purposes.

QE as 21st Century ‘Trickle Down’

Notwithstanding the foregoing facts, if one still insists on maintaining that the Fed’s QE3 has reduced unemployment, it is clear that QE to date is an incredibly inefficient, costly, and wasteful way to create jobs.

For example, let’s assume QE3 and Fed monetary policy is responsible for half of all the 2.3 million jobs created over the past year—a generous assumption. But let’s assume it nonetheless. That’s 1,150,000 of the roughly 2.3 million jobs created over the past 12 months. Let’s further assume that about 400,000 of that 1,150,000 represents part time-temp jobs. Next, if two part time jobs roughly equals one full time job, that’s 200,000 full time equivalent jobs created by QE and the Fed the past 12 months. Add that 200,000 to the remaining 715,000 full time jobs assumed created by QE3 over the past year, adds up to a total of 915,000 full time jobs created by QE/Fed over the past year. Let’s round it all up, to an even 1 million jobs created by QE3.

Now let’s take the $1 trillion cost of QE3 over the past year. Divide the $1 trillion by 1 million jobs and the result is a cost of $1 million per job created. That’s an absurdly inefficient and wasteful job creation program!

So who has really benefited from the Fed’s $1 trillion QE job creation program?

Taking the calculations one further step, the average wage of the 1 million jobs is reasonably no more than $15/hr—given the composition of 400,000 part time-temp, low paid jobs in the total. That $15/hr. is about $30,000 a year. The ‘benefits cost’ load is no more than 10% of the base pay, since many of the jobs are part time-temp with essentially no benefits. That’s another $3,000. That’s $33,000. That leaves $967,000 of QE3’s Fed printed money going into the pockets of someone else other than the worker who got the QE created job!

The ‘someone else’ in this case include the bankers and investors to whom the $1 trillion was provided in the first place. The bankers and investors then mostly loaned out the QE mostly to other speculators, who in turn likely invested it in the stock, bond and derivatives markets—thereby driving up the financial asset prices for these securities which, when sold, realize super-capital income gains. Given the absurdly low capital gains tax rates that exist, the bankers-investors get to keep 85% or more of their profits (realized income). Alternatively, they might not loan out the $967,000 billion from the Fed QE windfall to other financial market speculators, but loan it to offshore emerging markets, like China. In either case, the $967,000O doesn’t create any jobs in the US since it doesn’t result in investment in the US. Or, thirdly, they might just hoard the cash; or send it to their offshore tax havens in order even to avoid paying the nominal capital gains tax; or, if they’re a public corporation, as most banks are, use it to buy back their bank stock, payout more dividends to shareholders, or use it to purchase their competitors (mergers & acquisitions). None of that creates jobs either.

The net outcome of QE is the escalating incomes of bankers, investors, wealthy shareholders and high net worth individual households. That means even more income inequality in the US.

It is not coincidental that during the period of QE1-QE3 in the US, income inequality has accelerated at an even faster pace than in the past. As the most recent data on income inequality trends, released by Professor Emmanual Saez of the University of California earlier this month as part of his on-going study of income inequality trends, shows: the wealthiest 1% households accrued 95% of all the income gains in the US economy between 2009-2012.
QEs mean bankers and investors get $967,000 and the worker gets $33,000. That’s the essence of the Fed’s current QE3 job creation/unemployment rate reduction claims!

If one were to assume this ratio represents ‘trickle down’ economics in practice today, it would mean that for every one dollar in income for the worker, the capitalist-investor-banker is now getting 29.3. Of course, that 29.3 invested in financial securities generates even more income over time. The ‘trickle down’ ratio rises further and is virtually unlimited to the upside for the wealthy investors who benefit enormously from the free money QE policies of the Fed—while workers struggle to make ends meet working increasingly part time and temp jobs with low pay and no benefits.

A ‘QE for Jobs’ Program Alternative

It doesn’t take much imagination to envision a better, more efficient, less wasteful way to create jobs. If the Obama administration had a 21st century Works Progress Administration direct job creation program, it could have the Fed print the $1 trillion QE3 and create 20 million jobs at a fully loaded full time $50,000 a year. That would instantly wipe out every U-6 jobless person in the US. That’s 20 million jobs at $50k vs. the Fed’s current ‘unemployment reduction program’ of 1 million jobs at $33k.

Why should the Fed print money and subsidize the incomes of super-wealthy investors and their banks? Why shouldn’t the Fed use its printing press to instantly finance the creation of 20 million jobs directly by the US government? That’s a jobs program that would add nothing to the US deficit and debt, just as the Fed’s QE programs have added nothing to the US deficit and debt.

Those who argue to do so would result in a major inflation are simply ignoring the facts. Nearly $4 trillion in QEs to date have had no effect on inflation in goods and services. They have only inflated financial securities prices. Inflation in real goods and services continues to drift lower, flirting with bona fide deflation. If the Fed wants the get goods and services inflation to rise to 2.5%, a QE for Jobs program noted above would likely do it.

Others might argue that a $1 trillion ‘QE for Jobs’ program would mean the Fed would have to print $1 trillion every year to keep paying for the jobs in subsequent years. But that’s nonsense. It doesn’t take much imagination to understand that $1 trillion in jobs-related income in the hands of 20 million workers would result in a major boost to consumption. That in turn would result in businesses finally investing in the US and creating jobs to match the consumption demand. As real investment rose, the Fed ‘QE for Jobs’ might actually be scaled back in magnitude.

A ‘QE for Jobs’ program would also represent the greatest reduction in income inequality overnight in US history. It would also mean an annual first year boost to consumption of at least $500 billion. Considering possible ‘multiplier effects’, that would mean a boost to US GDP of more than $1 trillion. That would in turn easily push the US economic recovery to an annual GDP growth rate of more than 7% to 8%–and result in the fastest (not currently slowest) economic recovery on record for the US.

Jack Rasmus
September 15, 2013

I WOULD LIKE TO EXTEND ONCE AGAIN AN INVITATION TO READERS OF THIS BLOG TO JOIN ME ON TWITTER AT: @drjackrasmus.

THIS BLOG PROVIDES INTERMEDIATE ANALYSES. MY TWITTER ACCOUNT OFFERS BREAKING NEWS AND COMMENTARY.

A sample of my recent ‘tweets’ on the economy over the past three weeks, August 20 to Sept. 7,are as follows:

• Dr. Jack Rasmus ‏@drjackrasmus 1m

Is Eurozone Econ Recovery underway? Don’t bet on it. Today’s Industrial Production rept. shows -1.5% decline for July vs. forecast of+ 0.1%

• Dr. Jack Rasmus ‏@drjackrasmus 3h

Latest IRS data study shows Top 1% accrued 95% of all income gains, 2009-2012. Remaining 99% declined 0.4%. Median and below, big declines.

• Dr. Jack Rasmus ‏@drjackrasmus 6 Sep

Read my piece tomorrow (9-7) on the Znet blog: “Larry Summers-Next Fed Chairman?” And why there’ll be no ‘Summers Effect’ as Fed chair.

• Dr. Jack Rasmus ‏@drjackrasmus 6 Sep

Obama should have been a union rep. Then he’d know “never take a strike vote unless you know they’ll vote yes” (Syria=big egg on his face)

• Dr. Jack Rasmus ‏@drjackrasmus 6 Sep

Check out my blog piece, ‘Federal Reserve Policy-Past Failures and Future ‘Tail Risks’, at http://jackrasmus.com .

• Dr. Jack Rasmus ‏@drjackrasmus 6 Sep

Will Fed now back off from QE 9-18? No. A very slow, token reduction in the $85B/mo. money injection-watch for $75B or a reverse repo deal.

• Dr. Jack Rasmus ‏@drjackrasmus 6 Sep

Another stagnant US jobs report + only 100,000 jobs in July. US barely creating (low pay) jobs for new entrants. And as jobs ‘churn’, wages burn

• Dr. Jack Rasmus ‏@drjackrasmus 5 Sep

Frontpage mainstream press (NY Times, Journal, CNN) articles today featuring Larry Summers. Is Summers’ Fed Chair announcement imminent?

• Dr. Jack Rasmus ‏@drjackrasmus 4 Sep

Money flooding out of Asia, Brazil, Turkey,etc. back to US, EU. Export gains US/EU at expense of Emerging Mkts. No net gain for world econ.

• Dr. Jack Rasmus ‏@drjackrasmus 4 Sep

G20 meets in St. Petersburg Thurs. #1 issue? Not Syria. But emerging markets crisis: capital flight, currency freefall, commodity deflation

• Dr. Jack Rasmus ‏@drjackrasmus 30 Aug

Will the Fed ‘taper’ after 9-17? Will Summers get appointed next Fed chair? Will Obama send missiles into Syria? Do bears live in the woods?

• Dr. Jack Rasmus ‏@drjackrasmus 30 Aug

US consumer spending last month=0.0%, adjusted for inflation (Consumption=70% US economy). Banks lower 3Q13 GDP estimates to 1.5%. Recovery?

• Dr. Jack Rasmus ‏@drjackrasmus 30 Aug

Why did Obama & Repubs agree Jan. 1 to extend $4 trillion of the $4.6T Bush tax cuts?So corps could give $821 bil. to stockholders this year

• Dr. Jack Rasmus ‏@drjackrasmus 29 Aug

India economy ’emerging’ as weakest of emerging markets. Watch for 2% GDP or less in 2014. Currency (Rupee) to fall to record lows

• Dr. Jack Rasmus ‏@drjackrasmus 29 Aug

Emerging mkts quadruple crisis: rising US rates, capital flight to safe havens in west, commodities deflation, and soon to rise oil prices.

• Dr. Jack Rasmus ‏@drjackrasmus 29 Aug

Re. growing assault on democratic rights in the USA, see my blog http://jackrasmus.com article ‘North Carolina’s ‘Moral Mondays’ movement’

• Dr. Jack Rasmus ‏@drjackrasmus 27 Aug

Watch for coming ‘tail events’ causing market declines: Fed taper, debt ceiling fight, & emerging mkts capital flight–converging late Sept

• Dr. Jack Rasmus ‏@drjackrasmus 26 Aug

So bus.spending biggest fall since 2008, consumer-retail sales flattening, and home sales in freefall. OK, so where’s the recovery (again)?

• Dr. Jack Rasmus ‏@drjackrasmus 26 Aug

Data today show bus.investment fell in July almost twice as fast as consensus. Durable goods orders and shipments largest since 2008.

• Dr. Jack Rasmus ‏@drjackrasmus 23 Aug

consumer spending decelerating & flatlining-as predicted in my ‘The Stop-Go US economy’, see my blog, http://jackrasmus.com , article

• Dr. Jack Rasmus ‏@drjackrasmus 23 Aug

New home sales July freefall. My prediction rising rates (due to taper talk) will stop H-recovery sooner rather than later, now coming true

• Dr. Jack Rasmus ‏@drjackrasmus 20 Aug

The global economy, including USA, is slowly slipping into a stagnant growth scenario. The process is slow, long-term, erratic, but steady.

• Dr. Jack Rasmus ‏@drjackrasmus 20 Aug

Has the Eurozone/UK ‘recovered’? No, just following the trajectory of Epic Recession: short shallow recoveries followed by repeated relapses

• Dr. Jack Rasmus ‏@drjackrasmus 20 Aug

The locus of global economic instability is now shifting from Europe to Asia, esp. India, as China slows & Japan’s boom proves short-lived.

When mainstream press outlets, like the New York Times, Wall St. Journal, CNN money and others, issue front page articles on a topic related to the government more or less simultaneously, it usually means they have received confidential, not-yet-for-publication notice from the government of decisions made but temporarily embargoed. So it was on September 5, 2013, that all the above noted media sources printed lead stories on Larry Summers’ candidacy for the chair of the Federal Reserve Bank. The stories have continued to appear, with the New York Times editorial page on September 6, 2013 going so far as to say “Mr. Obama is expected to announce his nominee soon…”

Is an announcement of Summers’ appointment to replace current Fed chairman, Ben Bernanke, therefore imminent?

This writer has been predicting for weeks that Summers was the heavy ‘odds on favorite’ for appointment by President Obama to replace Bernanke for several reasons.

Is A Summers’ Appointment Imminent?

Summers’ appointment may come more quickly than some think. Again, the surge of front page press articles and talking heads electronic commentary in recent days suggests it may be imminent. While current Fed Chairman, Bernanke, doesn’t officially leave until next January 2014, Obama needs to ensure there is time for the new Fed Chair’s Senate confirmation.

Then there’s the need for Obama to get his full economic team on board before the coming fight over the debt ceiling with House Republicans begins in earnest again in October 2013. Emerging Markets economies are pressing hard for a quick decision on the Fed chair to reduce the uncertainty concerning the Fed’s reported plans to ‘taper’ its $85 billion a month free money injections into the global banking system. That pending decision, and the delay, has been causing severe economic stress among many economies, like India, Indonesia, Turkey, Brazil and others. International developments perhaps slowing the decision process include Syria. But there’s little reason to assume even that will significantly delay, and may even accelerate, Obama’s decision on a Fed Chair nominee—including Summers.

The likelihood that that nominee will be Summers is further supported by the widespread and deep endorsement for Summers by Obama’s ‘old boy’ network. It has been reported, for example, that current Treasury Secretary, Jack Lew, former advisor, Obama former chief of staff, David Axelrod, Rahm Emmanuel, and McDonough, Obama’s current chief of staff, all have expressed to Obama that Summers is their preferred choice for Fed Chair.
Finally, and perhaps most importantly, it should be remembered that no one gets appointed to Fed chair, or the key New York Fed district governor, without a green light pre-approval from bankers, finance, and institutional investors. And Larry has been their ‘boy’ for decades. He has consistently proposed programs, taken positions, made recommendations, and always acted in their interests, even when doing so has meant an about face in policies and recommendations he’s made. For that, he’s been nicely rewarded over the years in terms of career advancement and income.

Summers’ Public ‘Service’ Record

An academic economist in name only, Summers started out his government career early in the Reagan administration, his early academic work arguing strongly in favor of corporate tax cuts and opposition to improving unemployment insurance benefits endearing him to the pro-business, free market Reaganites. After his Reagan years, he assumed the top role in the World Bank—a very nice preparatory appointment preparing him for even bigger things to come. He then joined the Clinton administration in the early 1990s as assistant secretary of the Treasury, serving as hatchet man for then secretary of the Treasury, Robert Rubin, a top dog at Citibank loaned to government in the early Clinton years to ensure that Clinton cut welfare and government spending and to ensure long term bond rates were reduced. The lowering of bond rates contributed much to the subsequent speculation in Asian financial markets later in the Clinton administration that resulted in the ‘Asian Meltdown’ financial crisis of the late 1990s. Larry rode shotgun for the banks in that event, making sure the US government and Federal Reserve bailed the US banks—Citibank and friends—who speculated heavily in Asian currencies and loans and then were covered for their losses by the US Treasury and Fed when the bust came.

Promoted to Treasury Secretary at the close of the Clinton years, Larry then played a central role, on behalf of the bankers again, to ensure the repeal of what was left of the Glass-Stegall Act in the late 1990s. He was also centrally instrumental in the passage of the Gramm-Bliley and Commodity Futures Trading Acts, two pieces of legislation that deregulated derivatives and other financial instruments, set the stage for the subprime mortgage bust in 2006-07, while also setting in motion repeated spikes in commodity prices (including oil) for the next decade that decimated household incomes.

Leaving the Clinton team with the advent of the Bush II administration in 2001, Larry then went out to make a lot of money, to cash in on his ‘good service’ to the banksters. He joined the big Hedge Fund (shadow banking) firm, D.E. Shaw, and also served as director on, and consultant to, other funds and financial institutions. He made speeches to business groups and conferences, for which he was compensated nicely. That’s how politicians are amply rewarded in corporate dominated government America.

He continued these lucrative appointments while serving unremarkably as president of Harvard University; that is until the liberal professors ganged up on him—not for anything he had done before for the banksters or for holding positions on boards of companies as he served as University president—but for being insensitive to womens’ issues. But that was no big deal. Harvard was just a ‘holding pen’ for him in between government jobs anyway.

With Obama’s election in 2008, Summers was immediately brought on board again. Speculation arose that he expected either the Treasury Secretary or Federal Reserve Chair position appointments. But in the midst of the worst period of the financial meltdown of 2008-09, he was asked by Obama, and accepted, the role of Obama’s number one economic advisor—taking precedence over the Chair of the Council of Economic Advisers, Christina Romer, whose position typically has played that role.

In this role as chief adviser to Obama, Summers was reportedly the key architect of Obama’s first Economic Recovery Program, a package of $787 billion fiscal measures, tax cuts and government spending. This fiscal stimulus was heavily overweighted on business tax cuts and subsidy payments to the states for one year—with no programs of any note to save the millions of homeowners being foreclosed at the time or to ensure jobs were created in exchange for the tax cuts and subsidies (which weren’t). The emphasis on business tax cuts showed Summers’ views on that topic had not changed much since his Reagan years.

In a New Yorker magazine article last year, it was reported how in early 2009 Summers argued in the Obama administration strongly for a minimalist stimulus program—no more than $800 billion—again composed mostly of business and investor tax cuts—as well as for a bail out of the banks that involved the Federal Reserve essentially writing a ‘blank check’ for the banks. He argued banks had to be bailed out first, at whatever the cost. But the rest of the economy could not spend more than $800 billion in fiscal stimulus, he further recommended to Obama. While others in the Obama administration—like CEA chair Romer—advocated inside the administration for more than a $1 trillion in fiscal stimulus, Summers insisted on the lowest ball stimulus. Even Congress initially proposed more than $900 billion. But the consumer tax cuts were largely stripped out from the Congress proposal in the final $787 billion package that Summers recommended, and President Obama chose to approve. (For a more detailed analysis of these details, see this writer’s 2012 book, ‘Obama’s Economy: Recovery for the Few’, Pluto press).

The barely 5% of GDP stimulus of $787 billion soon dissipated after a year, the economy relapsed in the summer of 2010, housing foreclosures spiked, job losses reappeared, the states ran out of their subsidies, and the US economy ‘bounced along the bottom’—and has continued to do so for the past four years.

Meanwhile, bankers and investors feasted on the more than $10 trillion in free money generously doled out by the Federal Reserve—in the form of five years of nearly zero interest rates and three editions of ‘quantitative easing’ (QE) Fed direct purchases of bad subprime mortgage and other bonds from investors, most likely bought at above prevailing market values for those securities. But the public will never know the exact price the Fed paid for the junk via QE, since the Fed refuses to reveal details even to Congress.

During his two years, 2009-10, in the Obama administration, Summers also played a key role in the housing non-recovery. The pittance that the Obama administration earmarked for homeowners’ bailout, less than $50 billion, in the form of his busted HAMP program, mostly went to banks as subsidy payments to bribe banks to lower mortgage interest rates. Of course the banks took the bribes, but preferred to offer the lower rates to new home buyers, instead of refinancing for existing homeowners. You can charge fees on the former and make still more money, while homeowners in foreclosure can be better ‘milked’ by letting them foreclose and collecting credit default swap bets previously place on them. More than 15 million foreclosures were the result.

Summers: Chameleon Economist of Corporate America

Summers was somewhere involved in all these policy fiascos—-from the original $787 billion, business tax cut heavy stimulus, to the generous bankster bailouts, to failing to prevent the homeowner foreclosures (while subsidizing mortgage lenders).

The point of this Summers’ policy history review is to show that Larry Summers has always done what the banksters have wanted—and he’ll do that again when appointed as Federal Reserve chair.

Therefore, contrary to what some pundits have been saying, there will be no ‘Summers Effect’ if he is appointed. Summers’ appointment will not spook the markets. Most assume it will happen. There will be no major departure under Summers from existing Fed policy under Bernanke.

There is no contradiction between what Summers as Treasury Secretary did for the banksters in the late 1990s in pushing financial deregulation and what Summers (or any future Fed chair) will do with QE and zero bound interest rates. Both result in rentier (i.e. super) profits for financial capitalists. In the former case, deregulation released banksters to achieve super profits by means of extraordinary asset price inflation; in the QE case, to achieve super profits by reducing interest costs to virtually zero, and by the Fed printing money, QE, to buy back bad subprimes at more than their busted market value (taking the ‘bad debt’ from private speculators onto its own Fed balance sheet.

Larry did their bidding back then, and if (when?) appointed, he’ll do it again. He’s always done it. And for that he’s been nicely rewarded over the years. In his latest personal financial records he admits a net worth of as much as $24 million. He didn’t accrue all that from his salary for service in government over the years, but from his connections to hedge funds and other corporate buddies.

Dr. Jack Rasmus, copyright
September 2013

The following is an excerpt from a longer feature article–“Larry Summers–Next Fed Chair?”, which can be accessed this weekend on my website, http://www.kyklosproductions/articles.html.

“The Fed soon plans to ‘taper’ its existing policy of QE after its next September 18 meeting. A Summers at the Fed helm will represent no major change from this. The Fed without doubt will taper later this year, but very very slowly. Instead of $85 billion a month in ‘free money’ for banksters, speculators, stock and bond traders, and the very high net worth individuals—i.e. those folks that drive the financial markets globally—the Fed may reduce that to $75 or $65 billion. Big deal. Or the Fed may try to indirectly cut back on the free money spigot by a policy of ‘reverse repos’ (don’t worry, no need to understand that financial legerdemain). But none of that will stop the banksters and company from using the remaining mountain of virtually free cash to speculate in stocks, junk bonds, foreign exchange, and derivatives to keep the ‘global money parade’ going.

The ‘wildcard’ in this monetary policy poker deck, of course, is what’s happening with the emerging markets right now. Just the talk of the Fed tapering has driven bond rates up by nearly 100% in the last few months. The 10 year T-Bond was 1.6% this past spring; it’s now 2.9% and will almost certainly go higher.

That rapid rate shift is now resulting in the trillions of dollars of Fed money injection of the past five years flowing into emerging markets, especially Indonesia, India, Brazil, Turkey and So Africa (now referred to as the ‘BITTS’). Now that mountain of liquidity (money) is flooding back to the US and Europe. That reversed flow—precipitated by the Fed’s upcoming QE policy shift—is resulting in currency collapse in these emerging markets, massive capital flight back to the west, worsening trade deficits, commodities price deflation, coming oil price inflation, and in turn what will prove a significant slowing of these countries’ real economies that will in turn further exacerbate all the above.

In other words, the locus of the global economic crisis is now quickly shifting—from Europe in particular to Asia, emerging markets, especially the BIITS (Brazil,India, Indonesia, Turkey, So. Africa).

This growing instability may result in the Fed moving toward a ‘tapering’ of QE even more carefully and slowly. But it doesn’t matter who’s leading the Fed. Whether Bernanke or Summers, or even someone else, the Fed policy will not change significantly. Again, forget any ‘Summers Effect’. Summers will do as he always has done for the banksters: ensured their interests are protected—whether offshore or in the US.

In conclusion, whomever assumes the role of Fed Chair—Summers, current Fed Vice-Chair, Janet Yellen, or some compromise candidate like Fed governor, Kohl—will have to address a new ‘tail risk’ domestically, as well as globally (e.g. emerging markets crisis).

The domestic tail risk may prove to be a US economy and economic recovery that is highly sensitive to interest rate hikes, already having risen more than 1% since June for mortgages and other loans. US monetary policy makers have experienced nearly five years during which lowering interest rates to record levels has produced very little recovery in the real economy—i.e. housing, jobs, or real investment in the US—even as those record low rates produced a boom and bubble in financial securities investments, in stocks, bonds, derivatives, etc.

It may soon be revealed that the US economy is extremely sensitive to increases in interest rates, just as it has been largely insensitive to reductions in interest rates the past five years. The markets having become addicted to free money and super-low rates for five years may act like junkies without their fix if the Fed goes ‘cold turkey’ on them. If so, and interest rates in the US rise even moderately, then the US economy’s latest tepid rebound will quickly result in yet another ‘relapse’.

Jack Rasmus, copyright, September 2013

As an addendum to my just posted article immediately preceding, ‘Defending Democracy: North Carolina’s ‘Moral Mondays’ vs. Washington DC’s ‘Wistful Wednesday’–listen to my Alternative Vision radio show interview of August 28, 2013, with organizers of the Moral Mondays movement in North Carolina:

Download and listen to interview at: alternativevisions.podbean.com

On Wednesday, August 28, 2013, the 50th anniversary celebration of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s 1963 March on Washington, commemorative speeches spilled out over the DC mall. From President Obama and other carefully selected political ‘notables’, speakers sought to identify themselves with King and the historic event of 1963.

In a series of carefully scripted speeches—in some cases closely edited, according to reports, to avoid any indication of calls for grass roots action or a new civil rights movement—speakers talked mostly of the great achievements in civil and democratic rights in America set in motion by the historic 1963 event.

While politicians strained to identify themselves with, and wrap themselves in, the achievements in democratic rights set in motion by King and the 1963 march, none had much to say about what practical steps should be taken to address the growing assault on democratic, civil and labor rights rapidly gaining momentum today across the land.

While some speakers lamented in general terms the growing attacks on voting and other democratic rights now spreading from state to state, most had little to say about what should be done. Instead, they mostly patted themselves on the back, saying in effect, ‘we’ve come so far, haven’t we’? ‘Yes, there’s still more to do, but we have achieved so much’.

But as they applauded and offered little, the greatest attack on democracy in America in at least a half century has continued to gain momentum.

Washington’s ‘Wishful Wednesday’

While speakers and politicians mostly congratulated themselves in Washington, in state after state laws continue to be passed and implemented imposing new limits and restrictions on democratic rights—not just for minorities but for students, the poor and the millions still effectively disenfranchised. State governments also now increasingly run roughshod over local and city-level democratically determined decisions. And at the federal level, as President Obama hailed King’s contribution to democratic rights on Wednesday, his own administration continued its daily assault on the US Constitution—in particular the 1st and 4th amendments of the Bill of Rights ensuring freedom of speech and prohibition against unnecessary search and seizure.

Attacking Voting Rights

At the forefront of the attack on democracy in the US today is the proliferation of voter rights suppression legislation at the state level. From Texas to North Carolina and beyond, attacks on the fundamental right even to vote have been spreading the past two years. But the attackers have been given a further ‘green light’ to suppress voting rights by the US Supreme Court this past June 26, 2013, in its Shelby v. Holder decision.

In that decision, the court decided the Federal government must withdraw its oversight of States’ voting procedures, as was previously required under the 1965 voting rights law. The decision has since opened a political ‘pandora’s box’, encouraging more states to introduce legislation to suppress voters’ rights and states with such laws to make them even more draconian in the future.

The Supreme Court’s June decision was more than a little ironic. In one sense, the court’s action marks the end to what might be called ‘voting rights reconstruction’ in the US, contained in the form of the 1965 voting rights act. As speakers on the mall on Wednesday, Augusts 28, 2013 were hailing the achievements of the 1963 march that led to the voting rights act, the Supreme Court just weeks before was gutting the same act just across the street from the mall.

The Supreme Court’s recent decision is historically ironic in yet a further sense. Its ending of ‘voting rights reconstruction’ embodied in the 1965 voting rights act is reminiscent of the Supreme Court’s decisions in the 1870s that bought to an end the effort to politically ‘reconstruct’ the southern confederate states following the Civil War to provide democratic rights for all. The 1870s ‘end of reconstruction’ meant a general retreat from enforcing the 13th and 14th amendments to the US constitution. Similarly, in 2013, the US Supreme Court in effect abandoned the effort to ensure voting rights for all. The attack on voters rights of course predates the Supreme Court decision. But that decision nonetheless has now provided significant encouragement to States to expand and deepen the limits on voters rights.

Key elements of voting rights suppression introduced state by state in recent years (now soon to expand no doubt) include new forms of voter ID requirements. Elimination of the right to pre-register to vote. Abolishing of Party line voting, thus ensuring conservatives and business interests get to effectively negate any third party, progressive or even liberal candidates getting nomination from their party. And new forms of ‘poll taxes’. (For example, denying families claims for dependent tax deduction for a student if the student votes at the college location instead of the parents’). For a litany of the possible tactics and measures involved in voter suppression, readers should take a look at North Carolina’s recent 50 page voter rights suppression legislation.

Many of these voting rights suppression measures are in fact ghost-written by billionaire-funded right wing organizations like ALEC, the American Legislative Exchange Council. Holding regional level conferences throughout the US during the year, ALEC essentially writes the voting rights suppression legislation, pays for state legislators and their staffers and families to come to the conferences, instructs them how to write the bills, and even provides them with the legislative boilerplate to take back and pass. If anyone thinks the power of lobbyists in state houses and Washington is a major problem, forget it. Who needs lobbyists to influence the drafting of legislation in State houses and Congress when you can write the bills for them beforehand? That’s ALEC.

But no direct or immediate challenges to the Supreme Court, to ALEC, or to the growing state level implementation of voter suppression were called for in the speeches on the Washington mall on Wednesday. Just generalities and faint references in passing to the growing problem amid grand statements as to ‘how far we’ve come since 1963’. No specific calls to direct resistance or civil disobedience—i.e. the heart of Dr. Martin Luther King’s message in 1963. Trust the politicians in Washington, we’re told. They’ll later address the problem of disappearing democratic rights in America.
They’ll protect us… But don’t bet on it.

The defense of democracy will only come from the source and location from which it originates in the first place—from the grass roots. From relying on our own independent political action—not on politicians who today are more in the employ of the wealthy and their institutions than ever before in recent memory.

Attacking Rights Beyond Voting

The growing attacks on democratic and civil rights now in the US involve not only the roll back of voting rights. Local forms of democracy are also under direct attack in the US. Cities and local jurisdictions in growing numbers are being deprived of their own basic democratic rights by governors and state legislatures from Michigan to California to North Carolina. Decisions by local citizens or their locally elected representatives are being reversed by dictate by state politicians, who more often than not are bought by wealthy and business campaign contributors or lured by the prospect of some future ‘revolving door’ job with corporate America.

Nor is the problem of democracy under increasing attack in America limited to state and local government. At the federal government level, the US Constitution’s Bill of Rights itself is increasingly the target.

Professional journalists’ first amendment rights and freedom of the press are under assault on multiple fronts by the federal government today as never before in recent memory. Obama’s own Justice Department is at the forefront of this effort, subpoenaing and forcing journalists to testify in criminal court to reveal sources—especially those associated with government employees’ whistleblowing. Once protected by law, but no longer, whistleblowers and their press contacts are subject today to a ‘full court press’ by the Obama administration. Not merely coincidental, this offensive against 1st amendment freedom of press is being orchestrated in Washington DC and the 4th district Appeals Court in the Virginia-Maryland area where the CIA, NSA, and other government security agencies reside.

The government offensive against freedom of the press has already had a chilling effect on investigative journalists, the press, and whistleblowers attempting to reveal the abuses of government. That in turn is contributing to the further ‘timidification’ of the journalist caste in the US. Is it any wonder then, given the retreat of the press from investigating the government, that citizens like Bradley Manning, Snowden, and others have chosen to act directly as whistleblowers? In times past, their whistleblowing might have been picked up by the press and communicated to the public. But no longer. At great personal risk and harm to themselves, with the public press no longer a partner, the Snowdens and Mannings have had to ‘go it alone’, fulfilling the role the public press once played in America—but does no longer.

Fourth amendment rights are also under intensifying assault at the federal level. Protections against unreasonable ‘search and seizure’, clearly protected under the 4th amendment, are being abused en masse as the federal government illegally seizes emails, phone calls, and who knows what else—for purposes yet to be fully revealed. Moreover, the National Security Agency, the NSA, and other government agencies leading this assault are busy concocting even more grandiose plans—like the yet to be fully reported ‘Gorgonstare’ program that would enable the government to video real time every person on the street in Washington DC at the same time.

As the federal government and the courts continue the attack on 1st and 4th amendment Bill of Rights guarantees, President Obama gives hypocritical speeches in Washington about the need to honor the voting rights contributions of Dr. Martin Luther King. As the Obama Justice Department initiates a token legal challenge to the attack on voter rights only in Texas, the Supreme Court’s decision goes unchallenged and more states attack local democracy and voters rights elsewhere along an expanding front.

If you want to watch democracy being rolled back, go to Washington DC. If you want to hear generalities without specifics and what won’t be done, listen to speeches on the Capitol mall. But if you want to know how people at the grass roots are actually fighting back to defend their democratic, civil, and voting rights, then go to North Carolina.

North Carolina’s ‘Moral Mondays’ Movement

As Washington politicos were applauding themselves on August 28, 2013, and wrapping themselves in the accomplishments of Dr. Martin Luther King and the 1963 March, the real fight for democracy and voters rights was taking place in protests and marches on the same day, August 28, 2013, across 13 cities in North Carolina.

Protestors and demonstrators there have formed their own independent political movement, loosely referred to as the ‘Moral Mondays’ movement. Growing out of the demonstrations in the state capitol eight years ago, grass roots popular resistance has been taking form and growing there for several years.

The recent takeover the state by a right wing governor and legislature, and the passage of a new voter rights suppression law, has energized the grass roots and the movement in North Carolina as never before in recent memory. The Moral Mondays movement now leads the fight for democracy in North Carolina and serves as a model for other similar movements now forming, or about to form, in other states that are also in the ‘cross-hairs’ of the attacks on Democracy in general and voter rights in particular.

The Moral Mondays movement in North Carolina is interesting in that while it is very localized, those local efforts have formed a federated organization. Little known and hardly reported elsewhere in the US, the protestors have engaged in a clever ‘flexible’ occupation of the state capitol that ‘occupy movement advocates’ elsewhere would do well to look into. The loosely federated groups comprising the movement consist of religious organizations, labor organizations, and other community groups, each acting independently but also uniting in common demonstrations and direct actions. They are protesting, sitting in, getting arrested and otherwise engaging in peaceful civil disobedience, proving by action and word they are the true inheritors of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. and the true spirit of 1963—not the politicians and speakers in Washington at the commemoration on August 28. The ‘Moral Monday’s folks are the real deal. They are currently in the process of electing ‘local city-by-city assemblies’ and reaching out to others elsewhere, and have publicly announced a 14 Point Program.

In short, they have organization, they have strategy and tactics, they have a program that unites them in principle and objectives, and they are politically independent.

Based on this writer’s conversations with some of them, the North Carolina protestors know that the current attack on Democracy and voter rights in their state is about preventing resistance to the economic crisis and austerity measures being imposed on the poor, minorities, workers in that state—and the further austerity measures yet to come. Stop democracy today and you can stop resistance to the measures tomorrow, seems to be the strategy of the right wing governor and legislature in North Carolina.

The attack on Democratic rights there is both political in form and economic in objective, in other words. While draconian suppression of voting rights is taking place in North Carolina, so too is education under attack, with proposals to reduce their pay and jobs. On the employment front, more than 70,000 workers have thus far been denied unemployment insurance in the state and another 100,000 are due the same come January 2014. Meanwhile, politicians raise regressive taxes and end tax credits for lower income families while cutting taxes for corporations and businesses. Education budgets are cut by millions of dollars while vouchers are given to attend private schools. North Carolina is also a state where the governor and legislature refuse to embrace the expansion of Medicaid provided by the 2010 health care act, thus denying countless thousands of necessary health care services.

Readers interested in the 14 Point Program of the North Carolina ‘Moral Mondays’ movement, should go to the movement’s website at HKonJ.com, and see for themselves what the real fight for democracy today looks like—and then compare that to the phony Washington DC politicians and their false promises of maybe doing something some day once they are re-elected again.

Readers are also welcomed to listen to the archived interview by this writer with several leaders of the Moral Mondays movement, which also took place on Wednesday, August 28. That hour long interview is available on the Progressive Radio Network where this writer’s weekly radio show, Alternative Visions, is archived and available for download. Go to alternativevisions.podbean.com for the August 28 interview, or to the archive of the Progressive Radio Network itself.

Dr. Jack Rasmus
August 29, 2013

Dr. Rasmus is the author of the 2012 book, ‘Obama’s Economy: Recovery for the Few’, Pluto Press. He blogs at jackrasmus.com and his website is: http://www.kyklosproductions.com. He is the host of the Alternative Visions radio show on Wednesdays on the progressive radio network. Follow him on twitter at @drjackrasmus.